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I have often had occasion to think that I was fortunate to have attended graduate school in geography at Berkeley when I did. The s saw the traditional concerns of the department, human-environmental relations culturally and historically framed, coexisting—however uneasily—with a vigorous movement toward social theory. Had I enrolled any earlier or later, I doubt that I would have received an education sufficiently broad to have allowed me to write this work.

My debts at Berkeley are numerous. James Parsons's utter delight in landscape will ever be an inspiration, as will Bernard Nietschmann's intellectual courage and iconoclastic visions. To Michael Watts I owe a grounding in political economy; to Robert Reed and to anthropologist James Anderson, many thanks for introducing me to things Philippine.

Fellow graduate students from Berkeley played a formative role as well; great appreciation goes to Paul Starrs, Karl Zimmerer, and especially, Karen Wigen. The geography department at George Washington University has offered an ideal environment in which to prepare the manuscript.

Don Vermeer consistently provided support and encouragement, while Deborah Hart furnished intellectual companionship. Monica Jordan was ever helpful. I would also like to thank Joel Kuipers of the G. Numerous Cordilleran scholars have substantially contributed to this work. My most perceptive critic has been William Henry Scott, whose scholarship Casino Political Action Committee Funding Credits Clifford the Philippine highlands has set the standard of the field.

Harold Conklin enthusiastically pushed my inquiries forward in several important directions; to him I owe my deepest appreciation. Special thanks also go to Gerard Finin and Patricia Afable for generously sharing their works in progress.

In Benguet, Bridget Hamada-Pawid offered suggestions and advice. All of the scholars associated with the Cordilleran Studies Center of the University of the Philippines, Baguio, provided great assistance for which I am most grateful. My debt to the Cordillera's local intellectuals—those perceptive observers of their own societies unschooled within academia—is too vast to be recorded here. Their contributions are discussed in the introductory chapter.

Financial support for fieldwork was generously provided by a Fulbright Fellowship. Many thanks to Ellen White for the cartographic work. And finally, this book would not have been possible without the continued support of Kathryn and James Lodato, and of Nell and Wayne Lewis. To the latter I am indebted beyond reckoning. Five long hours by bus from the highland resort city of Baguio lies the unremarkable town of Abatan, a cluster of colorless storefronts of corrugated iron.

Perched on a narrow ridge between the headwaters of the Agno and Abra rivers, the huddled buildings of this unpretentious town belie its importance as the marketing headquarters of the northern Benguet vegetable district, centered here in the municipality of Buguias. Where the ridge drops sharply away on both sides, metal sheeting gives way to terraced gardens of cabbages and potatoes extending hundreds of meters down the mountain slopes.

Abatan on most days presents a stark townscape, but a traveler passing through on April 15,would have witnessed a remarkable sight. On that day, dozens of vegetable trucks packed with villagers converged from miles around on the center of town.

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Some five thousand persons, representing over forty villages, had come to receive meat and rice beer, to dance and sing, and, most importantly, to worship their ancestors. Of the many prestige feasts celebrated in the Buguias region every year, this event was extraordinary. The purpose of the staggering expense was to enlist supernatural assistance for accumulating further wealth. Only fifty years ago, the ridge on which Abatan sits was covered with thick forests of pine and oak.

On the lower slopes of the adjacent Agno Valley, herds of cattle, water buffalo, and hogs roamed. But fierce battles at the end of World War II ravaged herds and fields, demolishing in the process an extensive local trade network that had underwritten social power and wealth.

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The old ways were never to revive. Within ten years, most residents of Buguias municipality were fully committed to market gardening. For a time, temperate vegetables provided a measure of real prosperity.

Considered a showcase of rural development during the s, the area's landscape still signals the relative wealth of its inhabitants. Houses here are more solid, and clothing more ample, than in almost any lowland area of the Philippine archipelago, a fact not completely explained away by the cool highland climate.

Numerous trucks of all sizes similarly testify to past profits, just as the insecticide and fungicide advertisements plastered over the public buildings bespeak a high-yield, chemical-intensive agriculture. The wealth derived from vegetables also allowed the Buguias people to perpetuate a tradition of redistributive feasting.

In earlier days, extravagant animal sacrifice typified religious practice throughout the southern highlands. During the s the would-be conquistador Guillermo Galvey counted some 1, hog and water-buffalo skulls on a single house in the village of Kapangan Scott Yet Kapangan, located on the far fringe of the vegetable district, Casino Political Action Committee Funding Credits Clifford not seen a sizable feast in decades. By Top Online Established Turnkey Casino Websites For s, it was only the market-gardening villages that could finance lavish celebrations.

Subsistence-oriented communities, which retained the more environmentally benign indigenous forms of cultivation, greatly curtailed their redistributive feasts after the war, in some instances abandoning the indigenous religion altogether.

Benguet's modern center of Paganism—a term used by adherents and their Christian challengers alike—is the thoroughly commercialized village of Buguias Central, focus of this study. Today, Buguias's prosperity looks increasingly tenuous. Largescale operators, vegetable traders, and chemical merchants continue to reap substantial profits, but the highland vegetable district as a whole saw its agriculture stagnate and its living standards decline as the Philippine economy stalled and sputtered through the.

Most growers have fallen deeply into debt, not uncommonly receiving less now for a given crop than they have to pay for seeds and chemicals. Nor does vegetable agriculture appear to be ecologically sustainable. Biocides and fertilizers have polluted local water supplies, erosion steadily denudes the steeper slopes, and deforested watersheds yield ever-diminishing stream flows.

Yet despite growing ecological peril and economic uncertainty, the people of Buguias remain committed to the gamble that is market gardening.

Although they live under a constant threat of market collapse, farm families hope for the unpredictable upturns, wagering their crops—and increasingly their environment—on the day when they may reap the coveted "jackpot" harvest.

For gambling is a fundamental precept of life in Buguias, albeit not exactly gambling as we conceive it.

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Many of the manifestations are familiar: But most Buguias people do not consider fate to be blind; rather, they believe that risk can be manipulated through ritual. Like their grandparents before them, most contemporary villagers attempt to ensure the success of their most chancy undertakings through placating their ancestors and feasting their neighbors. It is the resulting nexus of economy, ecology, and religion, with its unusual concatenation of capitalist transformation, cultural persistence, and environmental degradation, that forms the core of this work.

The environmental destruction accompanying the spread of commercial agriculture along the margins of the global economy is now well documented by geographers and anthropologists. Areas previously marked by sustainable subsistence cultivation soon exhibit such symptoms as rapid soil erosion, deforestation, and pesticide. Damage most commonly results when impoverished growers are forced to retreat to ever more marginal lands Blaikie and Brookfield In Buguias, however, it is primarily the most prosperous farmers—those wealthy enough to hire bulldozers to flatten hilltops and to construct private roads—who precipitate erosion and deforest the slopes.

Wealthy growers expanding into the fertile eastern cloud forests also destroy watershed vital for the entire valley, and increasingly outcompete the growers in the older, exhausted districts. But all villagers, rich and poor alike, degrade their lands, especially by unleashing biocides and fertilizers into the streams of the region.

This devastation does not stem from cultivators' ignorance or mismanagement. Benguet vegetable culture is in many respects intricately fitted to the local landscape, with each crop cultivated in the precise microhabitat to which it is best adapted. Moreover, most gardeners are Casino Political Action Committee Funding Credits Clifford of the dangers of chemical contamination and denuded slopes.

But the commercial system in which they are imbricated leaves them few alternatives. With a long-term decline in profits and a notoriously capricious vegetable market, growers must feverishly intensify production in a desperate attempt to avoid losing ground during poor seasons what Bernstein [] calls the "simple reproduction squeeze". And the prospect of unpredictable price jumps propels them in the same direction; the lure of a jackpot harvest brings an even higher pitch of activity during the perilous typhoon season, a time marked by accelerated erosion and periodic market windfalls.

The environmental and social pressures of market-oriented agriculture in the global periphery can be extraordinarily destructive; in the worst cases, as Watts has shown for Nigeria, the "horrors and moodiness of the market" But the vegetable districts of northern Luzon have as yet seen only the early warnings of an ecological and economic debacle.

The vegetable farmers today remain the envy of both subsistence growers in the mountains and impoverished peasants in the lowlands. Nor has the market's individualizing force brought cultural dissolution as it so often does. In fact, far from destroying local culture, commercial development has greatly enhanced its. But the very continuation of communal feasting has actually become an accomplice to the environmental breakdown.

While Buguias's environmental destruction replicates a sadly familiar pattern, its elaboration of communal feasting in conjunction with commercial gardening is unusual. Such rituals need not vanish as a community becomes tied to larger economic circuits; indeed, the most famous redistributive rite, the potlatch of northwest North America, flowered after trade links were established with European merchants Belshaw Yet a long-standing scholarly tradition holds that such feasts, and communal ties in general, wither away once a society is incorporated into the world economy.

Integration is not possible unless tribal cultures are made to surrender their autonomy and self reliance. When these are replaced by dependence on. A pivotal agent of such change is usually said to be an emergent capitalist class, if not a generalized capitalist mentality, that resists ceremonial and other social outlays.

Villagers also want to free themselves from traditional social obligations that they believe hinder capital accumulation. Their individualistic behavior is manifested in a variety of realms: And even when ceremonial exchange does persist under expanding market relations, "ritual inflation" in which wealthy individuals devote ever-larger sums to display while the poor are disenfranchised may undermine its stability, if not the entire social order Grossman In the precolonial states of this region, he argues, peasant politics were centered around a "subsistence ethic" that united each community within a "moral economy" and militated against risk-taking and profit-seeking behavior.

With colonial rule, however, "the commercialization of the agrarian economy was steadily stripping away most of the traditional forms of social insurance" Scott During the heyday of modernization theory in the s and s, most scholars applauded the market's ability to displace traditional cultural forms.

Religion in general was thought to fetter development see von der Mehden Present-day writers tend to view cultural breakdown in the wake of commercialization as ethnocide rather than progress, but they have inherited the assumption of its inevitability. The two schools' analysis Montreign Casino Sullivan County Ny Live Camera the occasional survival of communal feasting bears this out.

What constituted for modernization theorists an irrational stumbling block has become for scholars of the underdevelopment camp a bulwark against capital, the key to cultural persistence, and a core around which to organize political resistance. Voss has recently extended the anticommercial version of this thesis to the Cordillera of northern Luzon.

He Casino Political Action Committee Funding Credits Clifford that redistributive rites are declining in commercialized areas, but that their survival limits capitalist penetration elsewhere. Specifically, he holds that in Sagada "the maintenance of such non-commercialized relations as redistributive feasting. Voss is probably correct in regard to Sagada, the primary locus of his research, but I would argue that he misrepresents feasting in Buguias.

In Buguias not only are public feasts much more common than in Sagada, but more importantly, they are strongly reinforced.

Farmers who successfully accumulate must also feast their neighbors.

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